Values voice and virtue
- Spartan Stoic
- Dec 1, 2023
- 4 min read
By Matthew Goodwin
Values, voice and virtue aims to dissect the socio-political landscape in the UK. Why is there such a divide? Why does nobody seem satisfied in the UK? How have political changes contributed to this? Why do people not trust politicians? What do boomers, zoomers and generation X have to do with all this? Who believes what, and why?
There’s quite a lot to unpick here, as my introduction suggests. Goodwin dissects the political trends that have led to Brexit, what happened in the lead-up to it to contribute to it, and to Boris Johnson’s resignation.
A problem of this book is that, like many others, it tends to come up with one central theme and then relate that to everything else, and I’m not sure the trends and politics is that simple. The central theme in question is that the elite and academia have become more left leaning, and have moved the country towards globalization, rejoining the EU whilst criticizing the UK for being institutionally racist, advocating for minority rights.

The trend is that the universities and elite have consolidated power to an extent – by influencing narrative to what are typically more fringe considerations affecting smaller groups, to elevating it to the key, commonly debated political issues. That’s not to say that this is right or wrong, but that prior they were barely in the public consciousness. Elite have also according to Goodwin consolidated power by holding it to the select few – those who have the credentials of Russell Group universities; whose children go there study there, who are able to signal the liberal moral values and signpost their achievement of graduating at one of the key universities in the UK to obtain this elite status.
Although there is plenty of evidence to suggest this has happened, it is more debatable the extent to which this has had an influence or been the only, central, important point. Goodwin argues that it is stark partly because in the UK there is a deep geographical divide between the elite and the working class. Post industrial towns are getting cast adrift.
As mentioned, a problem of this book is that it is repeating this central argument several times over. However, I do think the historic narrative is fairly cogent and interesting. It argues that since Thatcher, the UK became more global and liberal, putting the interests of the world above our own – shutting down industry and deregulating London’s financial markets. The book delves into this geographically as mentioned, but also through increased inequality and freedom and according to Goodwin a lack of voice.
I quite like the writing angle of values, voice and virtue. People clearly may have the same or different values to the elite, but, Goodwin says that especially the working class, feel they have no voice – aren’t heard, and that the values of those in power are corrupt. I think these are valuable and important points, and provide a good structure for the book, supported by graphs such as ‘people like me have no say in government’ plotted with working class, professional middle class, university educated and those without any qualifications.
There has been a movement from Labour towards those associated with conservatism. Labour is believed (by some) to no longer believe the general working class, but instead to reflect values of the marginalized communities – LGTBQ+ rights, immigration, non-white.
'…over the last sixty years, Britain has been transformed from a country where the working class, people without degrees and a more conservative ruling class were dominant, to one where, today, these groups have been pushed aside by the new graduate elite who are united by their elite education, meritocratic ethos, metropolitan tastes and, more than anything, their liberal cosmopolitan, if not radically progressive, beliefs.’ pp.24-25
So much of this isn’t exactly new, but I do think Goodwin does a decent enough job of elucidating the trends and backing them up with evidence. But how good is his analysis and discussion of it?
Let’s start with one I found particularly interesting, that of the philolosopher Michael Sandel, where the elite speak of meritocracy and that anyone can achieve if they work hard enough is a point which naturally pushes everyone apart. The elite like to congratulate themselves on success – whether won or, really it is being generous and all inherited – whilst denigrating the ‘losers’ – who often have many cards stacked against them to begin with. Many of those succeeding had in-built advantages to stay there. It’s understandable that many would feel their values and virtue aren’t in alignment when they are told they are where they belong when it’s often of no fault of their own.
Out of it comes a prejudice against working class, as David Skelton argues, a prejudice against which would never be countenanced by the elite towards racial, sexual and gender minorities according to Goodwin (pp.139). Many of these best points, it’s worth saying, come from other books, but I guess Goodwin does incorporate them successfully along with data and the ongoing trends.
Final score
For groups of people who feel unrepresented, populist voices are sure to come to the fore, Goodwin argues. I don’t think he’s wrong on much of this, so for a reader this makes for a decent analysis and discussion if one that often gets repetitive. Having said that, it is fairly short, which is perhaps a mercy given the repetition. I do wonder too if it is simplistic – is it just that the elite has shifted, or also that people have no valid alternative? The argument is perhaps that things will become even more populist, but how true is that? When will we see it? What are the next changes going to be and why? Perhaps this book states much of what is known and doesn’t extend much further than that. But, for a sub-200 page read, it’s strong enough.
6/10